Radio Propaganda and the Broadcasting of Hatred: Historical Development and Definitions

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Throughout the campaigning material there are similar quotes out of context and claims that do not stand up to close scrutiny. Two examples in the section on whether hunting fees benefit conservation are particularly glaring — one is the claim that in Namibia there is a lack of evidence that income from very limited hunting of black rhino benefits conservation. That is not true.

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The WWF is no great advocate of trophy hunting but it believes that community conservancies in Namibia, combining regulated trophy hunting including of a very small quota of black rhino and tourism, is a policy that has worked. As its website states :. Local communities have also benefitted substantially from the programme. The campaigning document goes on to lambast the Tsholotsho Rural District Council in Zimbabwe for spending income from elephant hunting quota on a new football stadium, roads and other infrastructure projects. This statement ignores the crucial role of income from hunting in supporting poor rural communities, improving their infrastructure and amenities directly from money raised through sustainable use of wildlife.

In so doing, revenue from hunting makes wildlife of great value and obvious to people and increases tolerance and a sense of ownership. Without community buy-in and benefit, wildlife will just disappear, especially dangerous game and species that destroy crops or kill livestock, and so actually impoverish people.

I could engage in my own card-stacking against this campaigning document but that would be as tedious for the reader as reading the document was tedious and frustrating for someone who knows about the issues in detail. I will end by reinforcing the message that starting this document with an attempt to hitch the work of conservation scientists and the IUCN to its bandwagon is totally false, and the attempt by its authors to gain credibility in an underhand and unsupportable fashion as blindingly obvioius to anyone who knows about conservation.

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Dr David Macdonald of WildCRU, in a scientific study commissioned by the British government and published in December , made it crystal clear that:. Well managed trophy hunting, which takes place in many parts of the world, can and does generate critically needed incentives and revenue for government, private and community landowners to maintain and restore wildlife as a land use and to carry out conservation actions including anti-poaching interventions.

It can return much needed income, jobs, and other important economic and social benefits to indigenous and local communities in places where these benefits are often scarce. In many parts of the world indigenous and local communities have chosen to use trophy hunting as a strategy for conservation of their wildlife and to improve sustainable livelihoods. His book — Ivory.

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Power and Poaching in Africa, was published in , and his new book, Humans and Lion. Conflict, Conservation and Coexistence, is being published by Routledge in July ;. You are commenting using your WordPress. You are commenting using your Google account. You are commenting using your Twitter account.

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Notify me of new comments via email. Notify me of new posts via email. He put on elaborate charades to fool foreign travellers and fellow travellers: useful idiots who inferred the success of communism from the failure of capitalism.

Truth was further occluded by faith and fear. In the Ukrainian city of Kharkov, Arthur Koestler observed some of the worst horrors of the famine but affirmed they were products of the capitalist past, whereas the few hopeful signs pointed to a communist utopia. In the shadow of the Lubyanka, the headquarters of the KGB, the most hardened sceptic paid lip service to the veracity of the newspaper Pravda Truth — lying, Russians joked, like an eyewitness.

Universal mendacity, said Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn , was the only safe form of existence. Against a background of turmoil and stress, propaganda dissolved certainties and warped perceptions. Power created hallucinations, dreams of golden mountains. Dual consciousness flourished, which Orwell dubbed doublethink.


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At public meetings, and even in private conversations, citizens were obliged to repeat in ritual fashion grotesque falsehoods about themselves, the world, and the Soviet Union, and at the same time to keep silent about things they knew very well, not only because they were terrorised but because the incessant repetition of falsehoods which they knew to be such made them accomplices in the campaign of lies inculcated by the party and the state. The world was especially confused by the show trials choreographed by Stalin during the Great Purge.

The crimes to which the defendants confessed were so fantastic that their guilt seemed inconceivable. A number of well-informed observers took the charges at face value, while others dismissed the entire proceedings as a cruel piece of agitprop. Many foreigners, lacerated by more immediate troubles, took the clash of opinion as a licence to withhold judgment.


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Seeing things straight was made even more difficult in the west by revelations about the activities of British propagandists during the first world war. Americans found evidence that they had been inveigled into the conflict by a transatlantic campaign of deception, which strengthened the isolationist case during the s.

Britons discovered that there was no substance to most of the more lurid atrocity stories — about crucified soldiers, raped nuns, dismembered babies and, notoriously, about the German factory for rendering corpses into fat. As a result of the exposure of its crude fabrications, British propaganda was relatively genteel during the s — typified by the British Council, the BBC, cinema newsreels and the Times. These organs of the establishment manipulated opinion discreetly, but effectively.

The US government also acted with some finesse. Elsewhere, reflecting local circumstances, propaganda was more strident.

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Propaganda and Practice (HRW Report - Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda, March )

I opted for safety and caution. As it did for most of Africa and much of the world, my focus now switched to South Africa. Within days I was in Johannesburg leading the World Service news programme team reporting the elections that were to bring the African National Congress and Nelson Mandela to power. However, even in the hectic run up to the start of voting on 27 April, the horrifying news from Rwanda was being discussed in South Africa.

Historical Development and Definitions

This now included the killing of the Prime Minister and several ministers in the coalition government and growing evidence of large-scale massacres of Tutsis. Over the next couple of months the extent, intent and sheer scale of the attempted genocide became clear.

What also became clear was the role of the media in Rwanda in inciting hatred of and violence against Tutsis and moderate Hutus.


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  5. That radio should play such a role was an anathema to someone like me who had worked for years in the World Service. I had few illusions about the purity of the broadcast media. The first half of the s brought home with violent force the ways that broadcasting, primarily radio, could be used to encourage, justify, incite and support violence, particularly in regional or civil conflicts.

    Even before the ghastly example of RTLM, Serb and Croat radio and TV, especially local stations like the Serb one in Knin, had shown how radio and other media could be used for ends other than informing people of news and information. A decade later, my interest was strengthened by aspects of the post-election violence in Kenya in and the suggestions that radio had played a key role in inciting violence and hatred.

    Kenya had always interested me — in I was arrested and deported by the Moi government to prevent me making a documentary on demands for an end to one-party rule. Research into the role of radio in the events in Kenya inevitably threw up comparisons, usually hugely exaggerated, with Rwanda.

    I thought it better related to what I knew of the break-up of Yugoslavia — which I had been involved in covering exhaustively as a programme editor at the World Service in the early nineties.